I was dropped at Paradiso, the last middle-class area before barrio La Vega,
which spills into a ravine as if by the force of gravity. Storms were
forecast, and people were anxious, remembering the mudslides that took
20,000 lives. "Why are you here?" asked the man sitting opposite me in the
packed jeep-bus that chugged up the hill. Like so many in Latin America, he
appeared old, but wasn't. Without waiting for my answer, he listed why he
supported President Chavez: schools, clinics, affordable food, "our
constitution, our democracy" and "for the first time, the oil money is going
to us." I asked him if he belonged to the MRV, Chavez's party, "No, I've
never been in a political party; I can only tell you how my life has been
changed, as I never dreamt."
It is raw witness like this, which I have heard over and over again in
Venezuela, that smashes the one-way mirror between the west and a continent
that is rising. By rising, I mean the phenomenon of millions of people
stirring once again, "like lions after slumber/In unvanquishable number",
wrote the poet Shelley in The Mask of Anarchy. This is not romantic; an epic
is unfolding in Latin America that demands our attention beyond the
stereotypes and cliches that diminish whole societies to their degree of
exploitation and expendability.
To the man in the bus, and to Beatrice whose children are being immunised
and taught history, art and music for the first time, and Celedonia, in her
seventies, reading and writing for the first time, and Jose whose life was
saved by a doctor in the middle of the night, the first doctor he had ever
seen, Hugo Chavez is neither a "firebrand" nor an "autocrat" but a
humanitarian and a democrat who commands almost two thirds of the popular
vote, accredited by victories in no less than nine elections. Compare that
with the fifth of the British electorate that re-installed Blair, an
authentic autocrat.
Chavez and the rise of popular social movements, from Colombia down to
Argentina, represent bloodless, radical change across the continent,
inspired by the great independence struggles that began with SimOn Bolívar,
born in Venezuela, who brought the ideas of the French Revolution to
societies cowed by Spanish absolutism. Bolívar, like Che Guevara in the
1960s and Chavez today, understood the new colonial master to the north.
"The USA," he said in 1819, "appears destined by fate to plague America with
misery in the name of liberty."
At the Summit of the Americas in Quebec City in 2001, George W Bush
announced the latest misery in the name of liberty in the form of a Free
Trade Area of the Americas treaty. This would allow the United States to
impose its ideological "market", neo-liberalism, finally on all of Latin
America. It was the natural successor to Bill Clinton's North American Free
Trade Agreement, which has turned Mexico into an American sweatshop. Bush
boasted it would be law by 2005.
On 5 November, Bush arrived at the 2005 summit in Mar del Plata, Argentina,
to be told his FTAA was not even on the agenda. . . .
While the world looks to Iran and Syria for the next Bush attack,
Venezuelans know they may well be next. On 17 March, the Washington Post
reported that Feliz Rodríguez, "a former CIA operative well-connected to the
Bush family" had taken part in the planning of the assassination of the
President of Venezuela. . . .
[Since Mexico signed the Nafta (North American Free Trade Agreement) deal
with the US and Canada in 1992, its annual per capita growth rate has barely
been above 1%. Vietnam has grown by around 5% a year for the past two
decades. Poverty in Vietnam has come down dramatically: real wages in Mexico
have fallen.--Larry Elliott, "A look at Vietnam
and Mexico exposes the myth of market liberalisation," Guardian,
December 12, 2005]
[. . . "the fight against drug trafficking has been a pretext for the US
government to install military bases ... and these policies will be
revised."--"Bolivian head
'stays true to roots'," New Statesman, December 20, 2005]
[Analysts have said the proposal is highly unlikely to materialize but could
in theory have serious consequences for the U.S. economy by undermining the
value of the dollar and diminishing its status as the currency used in
central-bank reserves.--"Venezuela Backs Plan to Sell Oil in Euros,"
Associated Press, June 1, 2006]
[The ominous rise around the globe of the resources-based corporate state is
accelerating. The implications for the West are enormous, yet such
implications are only beginning to be understood. As noted above, such
states are concluding rapidly increased numbers of strategic agreements
among themselves for the joint exploration and production of oil and gas,
and with the rapidly rising powerhouse economies of the East, such as China
and India, for the private long-term supply of oil and gas.--W Joseph
Stroupe, "Russia
spins global energy spider's web," Asia Times, August 25, 2006]
[Professor Peter Odell, who was an adviser to Tony Benn, the British energy
minister in the late 1970s, . . . warned that at any time Russian and
Chinese state-owned oil companies, backed by certain rich members of the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries who are closely aligned with
the two, could make hostile takeover bids for key Western oil majors such as
BP-Shell, ExxonMobil and/or Chevron, thereby gutting what little remains of
the Western oil majors' control over the global markets and thereby further
threatening US access to strategic resources.
Odell warned that the Western oil majors were already losing their
leadership of the global oil system, had now been reduced to controlling a
mere 9% or 10% of the world's reserves, and were unable to win new
production rights or even hold on to those granted by current PSAs
(production-sharing agreements).
. . . mounting anxiety over energy security is also fueling the accelerating
global trend toward the establishment of new oil and gas exchanges in the
Middle East and the East as de facto rivals to the New York and London
exchanges.
These new exchanges have two very prominent and significant features. First,
they are bringing together primarily the globe's producers and the rising
economies in the East to facilitate new Asia-centric (rather than
US-centric) energy pricing and security arrangements. Second, they are
denominated in currencies other than US dollars or are being structured with
the autonomy and sophistication to switch from dollars to other currencies.
--W Joseph Stroupe, "Russia
attacks the West's Achilles' heel," Asia Times, November 22, 2006]
[Within 25 years, the combined gross domestic products of China and India
would exceed those of the Group of Seven wealthy nations,
. . . somewhere between 2030 and 2040, China would become the largest
economy in the world, leaving the United States behind.
By 2050, China's current two trillion US dollar GDP was set to balloon to
48.6 trillion, while that of India, whose economy weighs in at under a
trillion dollars, would hit 27 trillion--"West must prepare for Chinese, Indian
dominance: Wolfensohn," AFP, November 26, 2006]
[There's a revolution underway in South America, but most of the
world doesn't know it. Oliver Stone sets out on a road trip across five
countries to explore the social and political movements as well as the
mainstream media's misperception of South America while interviewing seven
of its elected presidents. In casual conversations with Presidents Hugo
Chavez (Venezuela), Evo Morales (Bolivia), Lula da Silva (Brazil), Cristina
Kirchner (Argentina), as well as her husband and ex-President Nestor
Kirchner, Fernando Lugo (Paraguay), Rafael Correa (Ecuador), and Raul
Castro (Cuba), Stone gains unprecedented access and sheds new light upon
the exciting transformations in the region.--"South of the Border: A film by
Oliver Stone," southoftheborderdoc.com, 2010]
"The deceptive promise of free trade," DW Documentary, June 6, 2018